Rally Against (healthcare) greed


Patti Mulke speaks to the rally

At the Rally Against Greed at City Hall, Patti Mulke speaks about her battles with healthcare insurance company that pays ONLY for the least treatment for her chronic kidney disease, so that she can no longer work or have enough energy to lead a productive, busy life.

The introduction is by Kjersten Forseth, the state director of "Change That Works" in Colorado.


Patricia Hill speaks to the rally

At the Rally Against Greed at City Hall, Patricia Hill speaks about her battles with her healthcare insurance corporation over her stage 4 Pancreatic Cancer and original misdiagnosis.

The March against GREED

The march after the "Rally Against Greed" at City Hall, in Colorado Springs, October 13, 2009.



In the mid-1980s, under Raygun, Medicare also began encouraging elderly people to enrol in private HMOs. Raygun paid the private plans a fixed monthly premium for each person who switched from traditional (fee for service) Medicare, with the HMO taking over responsibility for purchasing (or, rarely, providing) care. This arrangement was touted as a means to bring athe "free market' to the public programme and to broaden patients choices.

The first crop of Medicare HMOs yielded mainly scandal—for example, a major political donor whose plan enrolled thousands of aged patients in Florida (and collected tens of millions of government dollars) but neglected to contract with doctors or hospitals to care for them. He fled prosecution, eventually seeking refuge in Spain.

Medicare applied stricter regulations. Raygun set the HMOs payment at 95% of the average monthly cost of care for a patient in Medicare, with the expectation of 5% savings through improved efficiency. Patients who chose an HMO—attracted by free spectacles, lower copayments, and other benefits not covered under traditional Medicare—were free to return to traditional Medicare.

HMOs recognised an financial opportunity in the skewed distribution of health costs. Most patients use little care—indeed 22% of elderly people cost Medicare nothing at all each year—while the fraction who are severely ill account for the lions share of expenditures. HMO's quickly realized windfall profits through cherry picking—recruiting healthier people who brought hefty premiums but used little care—and returning sick patients, and their high medical bills, to the traditional Medicare program—disrupting care for millions and costing the tax payers Billions.

HMO' devised selective recruitment schemes to attract healthier people, like free fitness club memberships, complimentary recruiting dinners, and advertisements painted on the bottoms of swimming pools. HMOs used financial incentives to encourage doctors to persuade sick patients to leave the HMO—for example, deducting payments to specialists from the primary care doctors own capitation payment. Hence, a general practitioner could raise her income by advising patients needing hip replacement to leave the HMO, and even convince herself that such advice might benefit patients by freeing them of HMO restrictions on the choice of surgeon and hospital.

When an HMO found itself saddled with too many unprofitably ill patients in a particular county, execs simply closed up shop and returned the patients to traditional Medicare.

As enrolment fell, HMOs lobbied hard for government rescue, and Congress upped their payments. Currently, Medicare pays private plans $77bn annually; the cost of caring for the eight million Medicare members who have switched to HMOs is 12% above the cost of caring for comparable patients in traditional Medicare.

So much for "free market" pressure lowering costs.

In a publicly financed, universal health care system, medical decisions are left to the patient and doctor, as they should be.

In a public system, the people have a say in how its run. Cost containment measures are publicly managed at the state level by elected and appointed agencies that represent the public. WE decide on the benefit package and negotiate doctor fees and hospital budgets. 

Most current medical research is publicly financed through the National Institutes of Health. Most basic drug research, is funded by the government. Drug companies are invited in for the later stages of product development, the formulation and marketing of new drugs. AZT for HIV patients is one example. The early, expensive research was conducted with government money. After the drug was found to be effective, marketing rights went to the drug company, but WE already paid the cost.

Many famous discoveries have been made in other countries with national health care systems. Laparoscopic gallbladder removal was pioneered in Canada. The CT scan was invented in England. The treatment for juvenile diabetes by transplanting pancreatic cells was developed in Canada.

Big Pharma's increasing reliance on contract research organizations (and for-profit ethical-review boards) has coincided with a sharp drop in innovative new drugs and mostly me-too drugs - minor variations on old drugs that offer NO benefit other than 7 more years of extended patent life, and NO cheaper, generic form of the drug.

A majority of physicians (59%) and an even higher proportion of Americans (86%) support single-payer national health insurance or Medicare for All.
Every other industrialized country has some form of universal health care.
Medical bills contribute to more than half of all bankruptcies. 
75% of those bankrupted had health insurance at the time they got sick or injured.
Taxes already pay for over 60 percent of US health spending.
Business pays less than 14% of our nations health costs. 
Americans pay the highest health care taxes in the world.
The US could save enough on administrative costs (over $350 billion annually) with a single payer system to cover all the uninsured. 

Kjersten Forseth, Change That Works
303-865-7985 x120